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The chapter on non-Muslim sects, after detailed accounts of the Ḥarrānians and Manichaeans, discusses various religious movements with their roots in the Iranian past, among them Ḵorramīya and Mazdakites (pp. Ebn al-Nadīm writes that he had known around 300 Manicheans in Bagdad at the time of the Buyid Moʿezz-al-Dawla (334-56/945-67), but at the time of writing (ca. This reduction in the number of Manicheans in the capital of Islam almost to the point of disappearance enabled his account of them to become a work of scientific-historical dimensions. On the other hand, one can prove that he followed at least one Arabic source extensively. Abū ʿĪsā’s text itself contained citations from the “the Manicheans have said.” Here the author, or his source, was using perhaps non-canonical writings (eg. Tubach’s still unpublished article “Ostiranische Traditionen in der arabischen Überlieferung bei Ibn an-Nadīm.” . The first appears only here in the Manichean tradition. The presentation of Mani’s life contains noticably more variants than that of his teachings. There are also three descriptions of Mani’s death (tr. Instead its parts were constantly re-arranged, enlarged and corrupted by the following generations. On the contrary, if the assertion of the that Mani had spread his teachings for “about” forty years as far as China (tr. 776) before he met King Šābuhr I rested on a secure tradition, then this must have happened when he was 24 plus 40, i.e., 64 years old. 115-21) has not yet been found complete in any work of the Manichean or non-Manichean tradition (cf. That material of antiquity and historical value is to be found among the hagiographically stylised information of the , pp.

377/987-88) there were “hardly more than five” there (tr. It was easier for the author to report objectively, unpolemically, and to the best of his knowledge on a foreign, often persecuted, religion which had almost disappeared. one of the canonical texts of the Manicheans (the seventh in this list). Müller’s realization that an exact correspondence between the apocalyptic damnation of the sinners in the have directly referred to these texts as sources for his presentation? It is unlikely that he used additional Modern and Middle Persian and Aramaic texts. hagiographic homilies) or was relying on oral information. It is also asserted here that the Sogdian Manicheans were called “teacher, master” (Asmussen, p. The author seems to have used two sometimes contrary principles in the structuring of his description of Mani and his teachings: (1) the desire to present the material logically and coherently, (2) the preservation of traditional pieces. The description of Mani’s end and the final evaluation of his personality in the passage on the reprimands of the , pp. But, in fact, the two are to be separated (thus correctly tr. 794) and Mani’s end is to be connected rather with the presentation of Manichean eschatology. Ebn al-Nadīm gives three variants for the name of Mani’s mother (tr. It is possibly due to the sources available to Ebn al-Nadīm that the information on the larger, second part of Mani’s life becomes steadily scanter.

Yūsof [Nāqeṭ] ʿĀmerī Nīšāpūrī (q.v.), a scholar of Arabic and Greek, who was in Baghdad when the was begun (ibid., pp. It was probably Ebn al-Nadīm’s association with the logician ʿĪsā b. ʿĪsā (q.v.) in Baghdad, or his attendance at the court of Nāṣer-al-Dawla (d.

358/968), the ruler of Mosul, which brought him the title , intended to be a catalogue including all books, lecture notebooks, papers, etc., available in the Arabic language at the time of the author, developed into a unique specimen of literature, an encyclopedia or a compendium of the knowledge possessed by a learned Muslim in 10th century Baghdad.

Abī Yaʿqūb Esḥāq al-Warrāq al-Nadīm, wrongly but almost invariably called Ebn al-Nadīm (the correct form is simply al-Nadīm; see Ebn al-Nadim, tr. ʿAdī, the grammarian Abū Saʿīd Sīrāfī, the literary historian Abū ʿObayd-Allāh Marzobānī, and the logician and translator of philosophical books from Syriac into Arabic Ḥasan b.

THE AUTHOR AND HIS WORK LIFE OF THE AUTHOR Abu’l-Faraj Moḥammad b. Hārūn Monajjem, the anthologist Abu’l-Faraj Eṣfahānī (q.v.), the Jacobite Christian philosopher Yaḥyā b.

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Sowār, known also as Ebn al-Ḵammār (see Ebn al-Nadīm, ed. He heard hadith from Esmāʿīl Ṣaffār and was also a friend of the philosopher Abū Solaymān Moḥammad b. Bahrām Manṭeqī Sejestānī, whom he addresses as “our master” ( (Ebn al-Nadīm, ed. 25) information about the Christian scriptures, and so did Abu’l-Ḥasan Moḥammad b.

320/932 and died there on Wednesday, 20 Šaʿbān 380/12 November 990. Having acquired an unusually extensive education, he cultivated ties with the luminaries of Baghdad learned society, counting among his teachers and informants such savants as the poet ʿAlī b.

Ebn al-Nadīm’s large bookstore in Baghdad appears to have been a popular meeting place for scholars.

A detailed account of the contents has also been given by E. Ebn al-Nadīm names the books and letters by Mani and his followers known to him (tr. Certainly, further information on the “Book of Giants” and other texts could have been lost in the manuscript transmission.

The eschatalogical chapters of the on the fates of the auditors, the elect, and sinners after death are also mentioned (tr.

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Some information about the sources of the may be extracted from the book itself. Flügel, ed., 2 vols., Leipzig, 1871-72 (published after Flügel’s death by J. Müller; the first volume contains the text, the second an extensive commentary and references); reprinted Cairo, 1348/1929; Cairo, ca. ) and Abarwēz; a ; a story about Dārā (see DĀRĀ[B] ii) and the golden idol; one about Bahrām (see BAHRĀM iii) and Narseh; and some of the titles already mentioned in the section on Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ. Of unique value, at least as long as the Coptic corpus remains unpublished, is the information on the letters of Mani and his students (tr.